Information create Functions /
Functions create Forms /
Forms create Architecture /

21st Century is for Design /
The New Global Currency.

Change Information /
Change Civilization /

Hardcover & Deluxe Edition http://amzn.to/ey46J2

 

Reviews by American Government Students: Richard Waterman’s The Oracle: The Succession War.
Hardcover & Deluxe Edition http://amzn.to/ey46J2
Paperback Edition http://amzn.to/h6hKdF
 
      “From the first page, Waterman creates a world full of action and magic and imagination from something so  seemingly boring as American politics.”

      “The Oracle: The Succession War by Richard Waterman chronicles American politics by amplifying it, turning it into science fiction…and makes it interesting for the political layman by adding swords and an ambiguous deity called the Oracle. All of the characters are molded in a way to resemble some real-life counterpart, whether the real-life counterpart is a specific person or a general, more wide-reaching stereotype of a politician.”
 
      “This book really opened my eyes and made me smile at the idea that someone else sees the government and the institution of Washington for what it really is…”
 
      “I knew little about politics… But after reading this book, I have a better idea of what politics entails.”
 
      “This book made politics more like a story instead of just a series of boring facts. I would recommend to others, especially those trying to grasp the idea of American government.”
 
      “A book of this stature and voice in regards to politics is quite the feat and executed extremely well.”

Reviews by American Government Students: Richard Waterman’s The Oracle: The Succession War.

Hardcover & Deluxe Edition http://amzn.to/ey46J2

Paperback Edition http://amzn.to/h6hKdF

*      “From the first page, Waterman creates a world full of action and magic and imagination from something so
seemingly boring as American politics.”


*      “The Oracle: The Succession War by Richard Waterman chronicles American politics by amplifying it, turning it into science fiction…and makes it interesting for the political layman by adding swords and an ambiguous deity called the Oracle. All of the characters are molded in a way to resemble some real-life counterpart, whether the real-life counterpart is a specific person or a general, more wide-reaching stereotype of a politician.”

 

*      “This book really opened my eyes and made me smile at the idea that someone else sees the government and the institution of Washington for what it really is…”

 

*      I knew little about politics… But after reading this book, I have a better idea of what politics entails.”

 

*      “This book made politics more like a story instead of just a series of boring facts. I would recommend to others, especially those trying to grasp the idea of American government.”

 

*      “A book of this stature and voice in regards to politics is quite the feat and executed extremely well.”

Image of Shrine & Kodenchi, defying man, defined by Nature

#Architecture of the Post-WWII negrification of Japan: Only a comatose moron will build on such sea-level low ground, dictated by the designs of irrational western architecture & urban plan.

Architecture is $$$-per-Square-Footage rent revenue design - or as muslims call it - Usury. That Usury Dictated Architecture is mindlessly dense & networked between Sea Port (Venetian, Dutch, British India, Hong Kong, Opium Shanghai, American Colony…) and Resources such as Water, Nuclear or Hydro-Electric Grid, Highways, brainless orthogonal street grids morphed way past Decumanus-Cardo to Industrial-Revolution warehouse-informed rectangular city block.

From the sky, there is ABSOLUTELY nothing that informs us that we’re seeing Japan in these two images. The design could be anywhere in the white-man’s colonial western world.

The Tsunami wiped out the western design, whether the ‘Japs & White asses’ accept it or not.

Image 2 is KODENCHI… the Open Space of Possibility. The Future. The Past.

For the price of losing WWII & imposed a fuckup constitution by “General” McArthur, [How can any constitution authored by a military general be of any democratic value?] Japan is now a nigger architecture of Western Military-Industrial-Complex.

The real Architecture of Japan resides in the Shinto Complex, Ise Shrine [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ise_Grand_Shrine].

Sorry Nippon, but this Tsunami & Nuclear Disaster IS retribution for being America’s jewed, gypped & niggered country.

Learn to be Japanese & plunge into the depths of inner-Japan & discover yourself, or perish.

We, from India, once sent you all a cup of tea, Chai & asked you to meditate… and you finally came up with Zen in return for that favor. Chai-Dhyan = Drink Tea, Meditate became Cha-Aan in China then Zen in Nippon.

While I chide you with modern voice, I urge Japan to listen to the ancient voice of my ancestors and your own.

Fuck the White World! Go Meditate, my dear, Emperor of Japan! My dear, People of Nippon… my dear, Children of the Rising Sun.

Remember, shin-no-mihashira, is a Siva Lingam, the Phallus of Hinduism & symbolism of the Creator & Destroyer. And Japanese Kami is my Indian Sami or god (swami is a priest, messiah or saint, an Abrahamic Judeo-Christian-Islamic import).

And ancient Japan informs us that the Islands of Rising Sun were created when Siva ejaculated into the Pacific Ocean. Prehistoric Shivite Hinduism might very well be Shinto.

The Indian Bride & all her richness awaits the Geisha to decide to not be America’s concubine. When Japan’s ready to discover its Architecture, India shall be Ready. But for now, Japan gets a whack on the head with a bamboo stick.

As the Zen Koan says: When the Student is Ready, the Teacher WILL appear.


Just in time for Valentine’s Day comes a new image of a ring — not of jewels — but of black holes. This composite image of Arp 147, a pair of interacting galaxies located about 430 million light years from Earth, shows X-rays from the NASA’s Chandra X-ray Observatory (pink) and optical data from the Hubble Space Telescope (red, green, blue) produced by the Space Telescope Science Institute (STScI) in Baltimore, Md.
Arp 147 contains the remnant of a spiral galaxy (right) that collided with theelliptical galaxy on the left. This collision has produced an expanding wave of star formation that shows up as a blue ring containing in abundance of massive young stars. These stars race through their evolution in a few million years or less and explode as supernovas, leaving behind neutron stars and black holes.

Just in time for Valentine’s Day comes a new image of a ring — not of jewels — but of black holes. This composite image of Arp 147, a pair of interacting galaxies located about 430 million light years from Earth, shows X-rays from the NASA’s Chandra X-ray Observatory (pink) and optical data from the Hubble Space Telescope (red, green, blue) produced by the Space Telescope Science Institute (STScI) in Baltimore, Md.

Arp 147 contains the remnant of a spiral galaxy (right) that collided with theelliptical galaxy on the left. This collision has produced an expanding wave of star formation that shows up as a blue ring containing in abundance of massive young stars. These stars race through their evolution in a few million years or less and explode as supernovas, leaving behind neutron stars and black holes.

Information Processing: Scaling laws for cities
NYTimes: … After two years of analysis, West and Bettencourt discovered that all of these urban variables could be described by a few exquisitely simple equations. For example, if they know the population of a metropolitan area in a given country, they can estimate, with approximately 85 percent accuracy, its average income and the dimensions of its sewer system. These are the laws, they say, that automatically emerge whenever people “agglomerate,” cramming themselves into apartment buildings and subway cars. It doesn’t matter if the place is Manhattan or Manhattan, Kan.: the urban patterns remain the same. West isn’t shy about describing the magnitude of this accomplishment. “What we found are the constants that describe every city,” he says. “I can take these laws and make precise predictions about the number of violent crimes and the surface area of roads in a city in Japan with 200,000 people. I don’t know anything about this city or even where it is or its history, but I can tell you all about it. And the reason I can do that is because every city is really the same.” After a pause, as if reflecting on his hyperbole, West adds: “Look, we all know that every city is unique. That’s all we talk about when we talk about cities, those things that make New York different from L.A., or Tokyo different from Albuquerque. But focusing on those differences misses the point. Sure, there are differences, but different from what? We’ve found the what.”There is something deeply strange about thinking of the metropolis in such abstract terms. [REALLY?!?] We usually describe cities, after all, as local entities defined by geography and history. New Orleans isn’t a generic place of 336,644 people. It’s the bayou and Katrina and Cajun cuisine. New York isn’t just another city. It’s a former Dutch fur-trading settlement, the center of the finance industry and home to the Yankees. And yet, West insists, those facts are mere details, interesting anecdotes that don’t explain very much. The only way to really understand the city, West says, is to understand its deep structure, its defining patterns, which will show us whether a metropolis will flourish or fall apart. We can’t make our cities work better until we know how they work. And, West says, he knows how they work.West has been drawn to different fields before. In 1997, less than five years after he transitioned away from high-energy physics, he published one of the most contentious and influential papers in modern biology. (The research, which appeared in Science, has been cited more than 1,500 times.) The last line of the paper summarizes the sweep of its ambition, as West and his co-authors assert that they have just solved “the single most pervasive theme underlying all biological diversity,” showing how the most vital facts about animals — heart rate, size, caloric needs — are interrelated in unexpected ways.… In city after city, the indicators of urban “metabolism,” like the number of gas stations or the total surface area of roads, showed that when a city doubles in size, it requires an increase in resources of only 85 percent.This straightforward observation has some surprising implications. It suggests, for instance, that modern cities are the real centers of sustainability. According to the data, people who live in densely populated places require less heat in the winter and need fewer miles of asphalt per capita. (A recent analysis by economists at Harvard and U.C.L.A. demonstrated that the average Manhattanite emits 14,127 fewer pounds of carbon dioxide annually than someone living in the New York suburbs.) Small communities might look green, but they consume a disproportionate amount of everything. As a result, West argues, creating a more sustainable society will require our big cities to get even bigger. We need more megalopolises.But a city is not just a frugal elephant; biological equations can’t entirely explain the growth of urban areas. While the first settlements in Mesopotamia might have helped people conserve scarce resources — irrigation networks meant more water for everyone — the concept of the city spread for an entirely different reason. “In retrospect, I was quite stupid,” West says. He was so excited by the parallels between cities and living things that he “didn’t pay enough attention to the ways in which urban areas and organisms are completely different.”What Bettencourt and West failed to appreciate, at least at first, was that the value of modern cities has little to do with energy efficiency. As West puts it, “Nobody moves to New York to save money on their gas bill.” Why, then, do we put up with the indignities of the city? Why do we accept the failing schools and overpriced apartments, the bedbugs and the traffic?In essence, they arrive at the sensible conclusion that cities are valuable because they facilitate human interactions, as people crammed into a few square miles exchange ideas and start collaborations. “If you ask people why they move to the city, they always give the same reasons,” West says. “They’ve come to get a job or follow their friends or to be at the center of a scene. That’s why we pay the high rent. Cities are all about the people, not the infrastructure.”It’s when West switches the conversation from infrastructure to people that he brings up the work of Jane Jacobs, the urban activist and author of “The Death and Life of Great American Cities.” Jacobs was a fierce advocate for the preservation of small-scale neighborhoods, like Greenwich Village and the North End in Boston. The value of such urban areas, she said, is that they facilitate the free flow of information between city dwellers. To illustrate her point, Jacobs described her local stretch of Hudson Street in the Village. She compared the crowded sidewalk to a spontaneous “ballet,” filled with people from different walks of life. School kids on the stoops, gossiping homemakers, “business lunchers” on their way back to the office. While urban planners had long derided such neighborhoods for their inefficiencies — that’s why Robert Moses, the “master builder” of New York, wanted to build an eight-lane elevated highway through SoHo and the Village — Jacobs insisted that these casual exchanges were essential. She saw the city not as a mass of buildings but rather as a vessel of empty spaces, in which people interacted with other people. The city wasn’t a skyline — it was a dance.If West’s basic idea was familiar, however, the evidence he provided for it was anything but. The challenge for Bettencourt and West was finding a way to quantify urban interactions. As usual, they began with reams of statistics. The first data set they analyzed was on the economic productivity of American cities, and it quickly became clear that their working hypothesis — like elephants, cities become more efficient as they get bigger — was profoundly incomplete. According to the data, whenever a city doubles in size, every measure of economic activity, from construction spending to the amount of bank deposits, increases by approximately 15 percent per capita. It doesn’t matter how big the city is; the law remains the same. “This remarkable equation is why people move to the big city,” West says. “Because you can take the same person, and if you just move them to a city that’s twice as big, then all of a sudden they’ll do 15 percent more of everything that we can measure.” While Jacobs could only speculate on the value of our urban interactions, West insists that he has found a way to “scientifically confirm” her conjectures. “One of my favorite compliments is when people come up to me and say, ‘You have done what Jane Jacobs would have done, if only she could do mathematics,’ ” West says. “What the data clearly shows, and what she was clever enough to anticipate, is that when people come together, they become much more productive.” …

Information Processing: Scaling laws for cities

NYTimes: … After two years of analysis, West and Bettencourt discovered that all of these urban variables could be described by a few exquisitely simple equations. For example, if they know the population of a metropolitan area in a given country, they can estimate, with approximately 85 percent accuracy, its average income and the dimensions of its sewer system. These are the laws, they say, that automatically emerge whenever people “agglomerate,” cramming themselves into apartment buildings and subway cars. It doesn’t matter if the place is Manhattan or Manhattan, Kan.: the urban patterns remain the same. West isn’t shy about describing the magnitude of this accomplishment. “What we found are the constants that describe every city,” he says. “I can take these laws and make precise predictions about the number of violent crimes and the surface area of roads in a city in Japan with 200,000 people. I don’t know anything about this city or even where it is or its history, but I can tell you all about it. And the reason I can do that is because every city is really the same.” After a pause, as if reflecting on his hyperbole, West adds: “Look, we all know that every city is unique. That’s all we talk about when we talk about cities, those things that make New York different from L.A., or Tokyo different from Albuquerque. But focusing on those differences misses the point. Sure, there are differences, but different from what? We’ve found the what.”

There is something deeply strange about thinking of the metropolis in such abstract terms. [REALLY?!?] We usually describe cities, after all, as local entities defined by geography and history. New Orleans isn’t a generic place of 336,644 people. It’s the bayou and Katrina and Cajun cuisine. New York isn’t just another city. It’s a former Dutch fur-trading settlement, the center of the finance industry and home to the Yankees. And yet, West insists, those facts are mere details, interesting anecdotes that don’t explain very much. The only way to really understand the city, West says, is to understand its deep structure, its defining patterns, which will show us whether a metropolis will flourish or fall apart. We can’t make our cities work better until we know how they work. And, West says, he knows how they work.

West has been drawn to different fields before. In 1997, less than five years after he transitioned away from high-energy physics, he published one of the most contentious and influential papers in modern biology. (The research, which appeared in Science, has been cited more than 1,500 times.) The last line of the paper summarizes the sweep of its ambition, as West and his co-authors assert that they have just solved “the single most pervasive theme underlying all biological diversity,” showing how the most vital facts about animals — heart rate, size, caloric needs — are interrelated in unexpected ways.

… In city after city, the indicators of urban “metabolism,” like the number of gas stations or the total surface area of roads, showed that when a city doubles in size, it requires an increase in resources of only 85 percent.

This straightforward observation has some surprising implications. It suggests, for instance, that modern cities are the real centers of sustainability. According to the data, people who live in densely populated places require less heat in the winter and need fewer miles of asphalt per capita. (A recent analysis by economists at Harvard and U.C.L.A. demonstrated that the average Manhattanite emits 14,127 fewer pounds of carbon dioxide annually than someone living in the New York suburbs.) Small communities might look green, but they consume a disproportionate amount of everything. As a result, West argues, creating a more sustainable society will require our big cities to get even bigger. We need more megalopolises.

But a city is not just a frugal elephant; biological equations can’t entirely explain the growth of urban areas. While the first settlements in Mesopotamia might have helped people conserve scarce resources — irrigation networks meant more water for everyone — the concept of the city spread for an entirely different reason. “In retrospect, I was quite stupid,” West says. He was so excited by the parallels between cities and living things that he “didn’t pay enough attention to the ways in which urban areas and organisms are completely different.”

What Bettencourt and West failed to appreciate, at least at first, was that the value of modern cities has little to do with energy efficiency. As West puts it, “Nobody moves to New York to save money on their gas bill.” Why, then, do we put up with the indignities of the city? Why do we accept the failing schools and overpriced apartments, the bedbugs and the traffic?

In essence, they arrive at the sensible conclusion that cities are valuable because they facilitate human interactions, as people crammed into a few square miles exchange ideas and start collaborations. “If you ask people why they move to the city, they always give the same reasons,” West says. “They’ve come to get a job or follow their friends or to be at the center of a scene. That’s why we pay the high rent. Cities are all about the people, not the infrastructure.”

It’s when West switches the conversation from infrastructure to people that he brings up the work of Jane Jacobs, the urban activist and author of “The Death and Life of Great American Cities.” Jacobs was a fierce advocate for the preservation of small-scale neighborhoods, like Greenwich Village and the North End in Boston. The value of such urban areas, she said, is that they facilitate the free flow of information between city dwellers. To illustrate her point, Jacobs described her local stretch of Hudson Street in the Village. She compared the crowded sidewalk to a spontaneous “ballet,” filled with people from different walks of life. School kids on the stoops, gossiping homemakers, “business lunchers” on their way back to the office. While urban planners had long derided such neighborhoods for their inefficiencies — that’s why Robert Moses, the “master builder” of New York, wanted to build an eight-lane elevated highway through SoHo and the Village — Jacobs insisted that these casual exchanges were essential. She saw the city not as a mass of buildings but rather as a vessel of empty spaces, in which people interacted with other people. The city wasn’t a skyline — it was a dance.

If West’s basic idea was familiar, however, the evidence he provided for it was anything but. The challenge for Bettencourt and West was finding a way to quantify urban interactions. As usual, they began with reams of statistics. The first data set they analyzed was on the economic productivity of American cities, and it quickly became clear that their working hypothesis — like elephants, cities become more efficient as they get bigger — was profoundly incomplete. According to the data, whenever a city doubles in size, every measure of economic activity, from construction spending to the amount of bank deposits, increases by approximately 15 percent per capita. It doesn’t matter how big the city is; the law remains the same. “This remarkable equation is why people move to the big city,” West says. “Because you can take the same person, and if you just move them to a city that’s twice as big, then all of a sudden they’ll do 15 percent more of everything that we can measure.” While Jacobs could only speculate on the value of our urban interactions, West insists that he has found a way to “scientifically confirm” her conjectures. “One of my favorite compliments is when people come up to me and say, ‘You have done what Jane Jacobs would have done, if only she could do mathematics,’ ” West says. “What the data clearly shows, and what she was clever enough to anticipate, is that when people come together, they become much more productive.” …

Lights Out: Tiny Sark Named First ‘Dark-Sky’ Island
There are billions and billions of stars in the sky, but most people in the developed world can only see a handful of them because of light pollution. Street lamps, illuminated signs and floodlit monuments all send light into the atmosphere, obscuring the much fainter stars.
Light pollution is particularly bad in the United States and Europe. According to the National Park Service, two-thirds of Americans cannot see the Milky Way. And 99 percent of the U.S. population lives in areas that scientists consider light-polluted.
Borrego Springs, Calif., is another community that has taken big steps to reduce light pollution and protect the night sky. It has also gotten kudos from the International Dark-Sky Association for its efforts. In the U.S., about 300 counties, cities and towns have passed dark-sky legislation, according to the association.
Now Sark joins the list of dark-sky places. Sark, in case you are not familiar with it, is one of the four main Channel Islands, about 80 miles off the coast of England. The island only has about 600 residents, and no cities, which helps keep light pollution down. According to the BBC, the island has no public street lighting. Also, there are no cars allowed on the island.
Still, Sark does get tens of thousands of tourists each year, and if you decide to go there, it’s nice to know that you can see the Milky Way stretching from horizon to horizon. With its new distinction, astro-tourism may be an even bigger draw for visitors.

Lights Out: Tiny Sark Named First ‘Dark-Sky’ Island

There are billions and billions of stars in the sky, but most people in the developed world can only see a handful of them because of light pollution. Street lamps, illuminated signs and floodlit monuments all send light into the atmosphere, obscuring the much fainter stars.

Light pollution is particularly bad in the United States and Europe. According to the National Park Service, two-thirds of Americans cannot see the Milky Way. And 99 percent of the U.S. population lives in areas that scientists consider light-polluted.

Borrego Springs, Calif., is another community that has taken big steps to reduce light pollution and protect the night sky. It has also gotten kudos from the International Dark-Sky Association for its efforts. In the U.S., about 300 counties, cities and towns have passed dark-sky legislation, according to the association.

Now Sark joins the list of dark-sky places. Sark, in case you are not familiar with it, is one of the four main Channel Islands, about 80 miles off the coast of England. The island only has about 600 residents, and no cities, which helps keep light pollution down. According to the BBC, the island has no public street lighting. Also, there are no cars allowed on the island.

Still, Sark does get tens of thousands of tourists each year, and if you decide to go there, it’s nice to know that you can see the Milky Way stretching from horizon to horizon. With its new distinction, astro-tourism may be an even bigger draw for visitors.

 Tiny Water Flea Clocks In Record Number Of Genes:
Researchers have ssequenced the 200 million letters of DNA that make up the genome of the tiny animal, the common water flea, Daphnia, shown in this false-color micrograph.
About 35 percent of the genes are brand new to science.
The first scientists to describe Daphnia thought they were a kind of flea because they assumed the red color came from sucking blood as fleas do. It turns out they’re not bloodsuckers — they’re blood makers. Daphniahave genes that make hemoglobin, so when the animal is stressed out, those genes switch on and the animal looks red.
“We count more than 31,000 genes,” says Colbourne. By comparison, the human genome has more like 23,000 genes. If Guinness tracks such things, Daphnia would hold the record for the most genes of any animal studied to date.

 Tiny Water Flea Clocks In Record Number Of Genes:

Researchers have ssequenced the 200 million letters of DNA that make up the genome of the tiny animal, the common water flea, Daphnia, shown in this false-color micrograph.

About 35 percent of the genes are brand new to science.

The first scientists to describe Daphnia thought they were a kind of flea because they assumed the red color came from sucking blood as fleas do. It turns out they’re not bloodsuckers — they’re blood makers. Daphniahave genes that make hemoglobin, so when the animal is stressed out, those genes switch on and the animal looks red.

“We count more than 31,000 genes,” says Colbourne. By comparison, the human genome has more like 23,000 genes. If Guinness tracks such things, Daphnia would hold the record for the most genes of any animal studied to date.

WTF means Winning the Future.
Now that’s what you call a ‘Sputnik Moment.’

WTF means Winning the Future.

Now that’s what you call a ‘Sputnik Moment.’

A nice video introducing National Geographic’s year-long examination of the soon-to-be-populated-by-seven-billion-people Earth.

(Source: utnereader)


Surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life find that income varies greatly within and across American religious groups. 

For more on income and religion, see the full report (PDF) of the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey.

Surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life find that income varies greatly within and across American religious groups. 

For more on income and religion, see the full report (PDF) of the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey.